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Utgivning, distribution etc. New York, NY : Oxford University Press, [2017]
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Serietitel - ej biuppslagsform
Anmärkning: Bibliografi etc. Includes bibliographical references and index.
Anmärkning: Innehållsbeskrivning, sammanfattning "In recent years 'leaderless' social movements have proliferated around the globe, from North Africa and the Middle East to Europe, the Americas, and East Asia. Some of these movements have led to impressive gains: the toppling of authoritarian leaders, the furthering of progressive policy, and checks on repressive state forces. They have also been, at times, derided by journalists and political analysts as disorganized and ineffectual, or suppressed by disoriented and perplexed police forces and governments who fail to effectively engage them. Activists, too, struggle to harness the potential of these horizontal movements. Why have the movements, which address the needs and desires of so many, not been able to achieve lasting change and create a new, more democratic and just society? Some people assume that if only social movements could find new leaders they would return to their earlier glory. Where, they ask, are the new Martin Luther Kings, Rudi Dutschkes, and Stephen Bikos? With the rise of right-wing political parties in many countries, the question of how to organize democratically and effectively has become increasingly urgent. Although today's leaderless political organizations are not sufficient, a return to traditional, centralized forms of political leadership is neither desirable nor possible. Instead, as Michael Hardt and Antonio Negri argue, familiar roles must be reversed: leaders should be responsible for short-term, tactical action, but it is the multitude that must drive strategy. In other words, if these new social movements are to achieve meaningful revolution, they must invent effective modes of assembly and decision-making structures that rely on the broadest democratic base. Drawing on ideas developed through their well-known Empire trilogy, Hardt and Negri have produced, in Assembly, a timely proposal for how current large-scale horizontal movements can develop the capacities for political strategy and decision-making to effect lasting and democratic change. We have not yet seen what is possible when the multitude assembles"--Inside jacket.
Term
ISBN 978-0-19-067796-1 0-19-067796-1
Antal i kö:
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In recent years "leaderless" social movements have proliferated around the globe, from North Africa and the Middle East to Europe, the Americas, and East Asia. Some of these movements have led to impressive gains: the toppling of authoritarian leaders, the furthering of progressive policy, and checks on repressive state forces. They have also been, at times, derided by journalists and political analysts as disorganized and ineffectual, or suppressed by disoriented and perplexed police forces and governments who fail to effectively engage them. Activists, too, struggle to harness the potential of these horizontal movements. Why have the movements, which address the needs and desires of so many, not been able to achieve lasting change and create a new, more democratic and just society? Some people assume that if only social movements could find new leaders they would return to their earlier glory. Where, they ask, are the new Martin Luther Kings, Rudi Dutschkes, and Steven Bikos? With the rise of right-wing political parties in many countries, the question of how to organize democratically and effectively has become increasingly urgent. Although today's leaderless political organizations are not sufficient, a return to traditional, centralized forms of political leadership is neither desirable nor possible. Instead, as Michael Hardt and Antonio Negri argue, familiar roles must be reversed: leaders should be responsible for short-term, tactical action, but it is the multitude that must drive strategy. In other words, if these new social movements are to achieve meaningful revolution, they must invent effective modes of assembly and decision-making structures that rely on the broadest democratic base. Drawing on ideas developed through their well-known Empire trilogy, Hardt and Negri have produced, in Assembly, a timely proposal for how current large-scale horizontal movements can develop the capacities for political strategy and decision-making to effect lasting and democratic change. We have not yet seen what is possible when the multitude assembles.
Preface p. xiii The Leadership Problem p. 1 Where Have All the Leaders Gone? p. 3 "Errors" of the Communards p. 3 False assumption: Critique of leadership - refusal of organization and institution p. 6 Leaderless movements as symptoms of a historical shift p. 8 Strategy and Tactics of the Centaur p. 15 Museum of revolutions past p. 16 First call: Strategy to the movements p. 18 A party of movements? p. 22 Contra Rousseau; or, Pour en finir avec la souveraineté p. 25 Critique of representation p. 27 Critique of constituent power p. 32 Second call: Invent nonsovereign institutions p. 37 First response: Ground political projects in social life p. 39 Against the autonomy of the political p. 42 The Dark Mirror of Right-Wing Movements p. 47 To restore the unity of the people p. 48 Populism and racialized property p. 51 The violence of religious identities p. 53 Poverty as wealth p. 57 The Real Problem Lies Elsewhere p. 63 Blow the dam! p. 63 Second response: Seek the plural ontology of cooperative coalitions p. 67 Third call: Take power, but differently p. 69 Marxism against Das Kapital p. 72 Social Production p. 77 How to Open Property to the Common p. 85 A bundle of rights p. 86 The social properties of labor p. 91 Third response: The common is not property p. 97 Fable of the bees; or, passions of the common p. 100 We, Machinic Subjects p. 107 The relation of human and machine p. 107 The changing composition of capital p. 111 Fourth call: Take back fixed capital ("This fixed capital being man himself") p. 115 Machinic subjectivities p. 120 Weber in Reverse p. 125 Weber's dream and Kafka's nightmare p. 126 Sine ira et studio p. 128 Digital Taylorism p. 131 Fourth response: Smash the state p. 133 The end of Mitteleuropa p. 134 Entrepreneurship of the Multitude p. 139 How to become an entrepreneur p. 140 Fifth call: Entrepreneurship of the multitude p. 143 Social production → social union → social strike p. 147 Taking the word as translation p. 151 Financial Command and Neoliberal Governance p. 155 Finance Captures Social Value p. 159 Finance from above and from below p. 159 Abstraction/extraction p. 162 The many faces of extraction p. 166 From social production to finance p. 171 Logistics and infrastructure in the social factory p. 175 Primitive accumulation p. 178 Money Institutionalizes a Social Relation p. 183 What is money and how does it rule? p. 184 Objektiver Geist p. 193 On private property and its dematerialization p. 196 Crises arise from below p. 200 Neoliberal Administration Out of Joint p. 207 Neoliberal freedom p. 208 Crisis points of neoliberal administration p. 212 Emptying the public powers p. 218 Fifth response: Produce powerful subjectivities p. 222 New Prince p. 227 Political Realism p. 231 Power comes second p. 231 The common comes first p. 235 General strike p. 240 Extremism of the center p. 245 Impossible Reformism p. 251 Fixing the system p. 252 Instituting counterpowers p. 254 Indignation in the fog of war p. 258 And Now What? p. 269 A Hephaestus to arm the multitude p. 269 A three-faced Dionysus to govern the common p. 274 A Hermes to forge the coin of the common p. 280 Portolan p. 285 Wealth p. 285 Institution p. 288 Organization p. 290 Exhortario p. 293 Notes p. 297 Acknowledgments p. 337 Index p. 338